Both before the referendum and since there has been a
persistent confusion about what the European single market is, and this
confusion also informs the way in which the government plans to leave the
single market.
The confusion is to think of the single market as being the
same as a free trade area and, associatedly, to equate this with ‘tariff-free
trade’. In brief (see here
for more detail), a single market is not just about tariff-free trade and
the removal of quotas; it is also about the removal of non-tariff barriers to
trade and it is from this that most EU regulatory harmonization flows.
Non-tariffs are the most technically complex and significant barriers to trade
and are most especially pertinent to services. This is particularly important
to the UK as it is a predominantly service-based economy.
Similarly, single market membership entails free movement of
people not as a kind of a bolt-on which, for some ideological reason, the EU
insists on but as a core part of the definition of what a single market is: a
complete unification of the production and consumption of goods and services
(including, also, free movement of capital). You can no more be a member of the
EU single market without free movement of labour than you could have a
functioning UK single market that restricted movement of people between
different counties. To do so would by definition create separate markets in
labour (and, for that matter, housing). In a sense, the absence of free
movement can be seen as a species of non-tariff barrier in preventing a single
market from fully existing (albeit that, as
this helpful explainer shows, free movement of people is not the
free-for-all that it is sometimes thought to be).
That this has not been properly understood is evidenced by an
interesting insider
account of the referendum campaign, written by Daniel Korski, formerly
Deputy Director of David Cameron’s Policy Unit, in Politico. He records the frustration during the pre-referendum
re-negotiation with the EU:
“Nor would our counterparts in Europe acknowledge that the EU’s
four freedoms are very much divisible. A country can reduce tariffs and remove
trade barriers and still maintain restrictions on which foreigners are allowed
to enter the country. This is what the United States has done since World War
II, with NAFTA being the best example.”
These sentences
absolutely expose the core misunderstanding: NAFTA is not a single market, it
is a free trade area. They are fundamentally different things. The four
freedoms are indivisible not because the EU won’t ‘acknowledge’ it but as a
matter of definition. In this sense the EU’s expression that it will not allow ‘cherry-picking’
is a misleading one: the cherries cannot be picked because they are inseparable
from the tree. It is a rich irony that the development of an EU single market
was championed most enthusiastically by successive British governments since
the 1980s, and yet they seem not to have understood what they were championing.
Nor can it be said often enough that before the Referendum many in the Leave campaign
explicitly said that leaving the EU did not mean leaving the single market.
The present
government’s decision to cease to be a member of the single market is
apparently based on a realization that membership isn’t going to be unbundled
from free movement, but still seems to see this as just an intransigent
negotiating position on the part of the EU and not a definitional issue of what
the single market means. Hence what seems to be envisaged in the White
Paper is to recreate just about every feature of the single market for the
UK (even, on
my reading, a form of ECJ jurisdiction, albeit via the back door of a
dispute resolution system) except for free movement of people. Thus paragraph
8.1 states the intention that:
“Our new relationship should aim for the freest possible
trade in goods and services between the UK and the EU. It should give UK
companies the maximum freedom to trade with and operate within European markets
and let European businesses do the same in the UK."
These words (along
with several other indications in the white paper) suggest strongly all of the
regulatory harmonization and non-tariff barrier avoidance that the single
market entails, save for that relating to free movement of people. If it does
not mean that, then it cannot mean the freest possible trade – just some form
and degree of market access.
So the government’s aim is to ‘get
round’ freedom of movement of people by creating between the UK and the EU
something akin to the free trade area that Daniel Korski (and, by implication,
David Cameron) believed the single market was, or should be. The idea is to
shoehorn together two fundamentally different models of international trade.
It
obviously remains to be seen whether such an arrangement will be created but my
view is that it will not be possible – and, the crucial point, not because of a
failure of negotiation but because it is a logical impossibility. You might as well say you are going to negotiate
to sail your boat up the M1 as to say you are going to have ‘maximum freedom to
operate within’ a single market without free movement of people.
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