There is an
intriguing article on the front page
of today’s Financial Times
(paywalled link) concerning yesterday’s
meeting between the Prime Minister and the CEO of Nissan, Carlos Ghosn.
Nissan are important, practically and symbolically, in terms of foreign
investment in Britain. Practically important because they account for about a
third of UK car manufacture, and a decision about whether to build the new Qashqai
model in its Sunderland plant is due
by the end of this year. Symbolically important both as a leading foreign
investor but also because Sunderland
voted by one of the highest margins to leave the EU. Ghosn has recently
said that Nissan would not invest before Brexit terms were known unless the
government offered compensation for any future tariffs (in parenthesis, it is
by no means clear that this would be legal under WTO rules). This connects with
the
wider concerns raised by Japan about Brexit.
According to
the FT report, rather than making any offer on tariff compensation, Theresa May
apparently assured him that there would be
no additional tariffs and that trading conditions will not change for Nissan
post-Brexit. The FT takes this to imply that specific industrial sectors will
remain a part of the single market and customs union, specifically industries,
like motor manufacturer, with complex international supply chains.
If this is
the case it raises some huge questions which the FT does not ask. First of all, it is not clear to me how
May could guarantee this, as it would inevitably require the agreement of the
EU in negotiations that have not even started yet. But it seems highly improbable
that May would have given such a guarantee (assuming the FT reporting is
correct) had she not had good reasons to think it is true – or, if not, and she
is wrong, the backlash from Nissan and others will surely be huge. Does that
mean that she has received some firm assurances from the EU on this point?
Second, if
this is indeed what is envisaged, how would it work? The boundaries around
particular industries or sectors are not, after all, clear cut. If a textiles
firm, say, supplies fabric for Nissan car seats are they to be deemed to be in
the motor sector? And for all of their business or just the segment that
produces that particular fabric? Suppose Nissan changes suppliers – does that
new supplier get shifted into the single market? More generally, does it mean
that, somehow, part of the UK economy will remain inside the single market and
part will lie outside it? Whatever the answers to these questions, any idea
that Brexit on these terms will mean the reduction of ‘red tape’ promised by
the leave campaign is illusory!
Third, and
however sectors are bounded, it seems inconceivable that these could be deemed
to be inside the single market without corresponding freedom of movement within
those sectors. Would this mean that car workers would be able to move in and
out of the UK at will but not others? And if those workers do have freedom of
movement then how could they be prevented from changing jobs whilst in the UK?
What, then, would this mean for May’s red line of ‘control of borders’?
If all that
seems inconceivable then surely impossible would it be for May also to honour
her pledge at the recent party conference to exempt
the UK from the European Court of Justice (ECJ) since by definition at
least those sectors within the single market would have to be subject to its
jurisdiction.
This was a high profile meeting of key
significance. The things said cannot have been casual. And although I haven’t
seen any other media outlet reporting it as they do (elsewhere there are just
anodyne statements from the two parties) the FT is a highly reputable and
reliable source of business news. If their report is correct then it gives an
important insight into how the government are approaching Brexit, but one which
makes that approach seem, to say the least, deeply perplexing and raising more
questions than answers. What Nissan made of it may become clear when the Qashqai
investment decision is made.
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